ÿþ<HTML><HEAD><TITLE>PUNJABI S&#362B&#256 MOVEMENT</TITLE> <style type="text/css"> .BODY { background-color: #EAF1F7; background-image: url('images/gtbh.jpg'); background-repeat: no-repeat; background-attachment: fixed; background-position: center; color: #0066CC;} .C1{text-align: justify;color: #0066CC;FONT-size: SMALL;FONT-family: Tahoma;} .BIB{text-align: center;color: #000099;FONT-size: SMALL;FONT-family: Tahoma;} .CONT{text-align: right;color: #FF0000;FONT-size: SMALL;FONT-family: Tahoma;} </style><META NAME="keywords" CONTENT="PUNJABI,SjB,MOVEMENT"> <META http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8"></HEAD> <BODY class="BODY" oncontextmenu="return false" ondragstart="return false" onselectstart="return false"> <FONT ALIGN="JUSTIFY" FACE="Tahoma"> <p class="C1">&#65279PUNJABI S&#362B&#256 MOVEMENT, a long-drawn political agitation launched by the Sikhs demanding the creation of Punj&#257b&#299 S&#363b&#257 or Punjabi-speaking state in the Punjab. At Independence it was commonly recognized that the Indian states then comprising the country did not have any rational or scientific basis. They were more the result of the exigencies of British conquest. To have some of these demographic imbalances corrected and inconvenient bulges expunged with a view to drawing up clean-cut boundaries a commission was set up by Government of India in 1948. The commission had its jurisdiction limited to the southern states such as &#256ndhra, Karn&#257&#7789aka, Kerala, and Mah&#257r&#257sh&#7789ra. Northern India, it seems, was deliberately kept out of the purview of the commission especially to prevent problems like those of Punjab and, specifically, issues pertaining to Sikhs cropping up. But these problems could not be swept under the carpet for long, and had to be faced for the sake of honest politics and for the sake of the democratic functioning of polity and society. Another States Re-organization Commission was appointed in 1953.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Commission tried to foreclose the possibility of the demand for Punjab state being resurrected by resorting to one obviously weak argument. The formation of linguistic provinces, it was said, was sure to give rise to a demand for the separation of other linguistic groups elsewhere and such claims had already been advanced by Sikhs, J&#257&#7789s and others.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Commission recommended the integration of Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257 and East Punjab States Union and Him&#257chal Pradesh with the Punjab. This was entirely unacceptable to the mainstream Sikh political set-up, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. The Ak&#257l&#299 leader, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh, took the opportunity to exhibit Sikh unity and resolution on this point. He summoned a representative congress of the Sikhs at Amritsar on 16 October 1955. Nearly 1,300 of the invitees attended. With one voice, they rejected the recommendations of the States Reorganization Commission and severely castigated it for treating the Sikh claims with such undisguised bias. The convention authorized Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh to devise ways and means to bring home to the Government of India Sikhs' sense of injury. His first move &#8212 a conciliatory one &#8212 was to call upon Prime Minister Nehr&#363. The ground for such a meeting had already been prepared by the former Defence Minister, Sard&#257r Baldev Si&#7749gh. Baldev Si&#7749gh, who had shunned meeting the Prime Minister since he had been dropped from his cabinet and who in fact stayed away even from social get-togethers at which he was likely to be present, was persuaded by Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh and others to act as a mediator between the Ak&#257l&#299s and the government. He showed Jaw&#257harl&#257l Nehr&#363 the correspondence which had passed between Sikhs and the Muslim League leaders prior to the transfer of power, and reminded him how the former had rejected the League overtures and thrown in their lot with India.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Conciliatory intercession brought Jaw&#257harlal Nehr&#363 and the Sikh leaders round the conference table. In these parleys, the Prime Minister was assisted by two of his senior cabinet colleagues, Maul&#257n&#257 Abul Kal&#257m &#256z&#257d and Pa&#7751&#7693it Govind Ballabh Pant. The Sikhs were represented by Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh, Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh, Sard&#257r Hukam Si&#7749gh, Bh&#257&#299 Jodh Si&#7749gh and Sard&#257r Gi&#257n Si&#7749gh R&#257&#7771ew&#257l&#257. A sixth colleague of theirs, B&#257w&#257 Harkishan Si&#7749gh, did not participate in the negotiations, but joined their own private discussions afterwards. All of them put up in Sard&#257r Hukam Si&#7749gh's house in Delhi, and, before leaving for the first day's meetings, they vowed in the presence of the Gur&#363 Granth S&#257hib that they would act by mutual counsel and that none of them would meet singly any member of the government. The members also apportioned among themselves the topics they would take up for discussion. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh was to say a few opening words and was not to speak again. Bh&#257&#299 Jodh Si&#7749gh was to explicate the language problem in the Punjab, and Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh and Sard&#257r Hukam Si&#7749gh were to meet the political points. The first meeting took place on 24 October 1955, the second a month later&#8212on 23 November.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; This second meeting was preceded by Prime Minister Nehr&#363's lunch for Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. At the end of the meeting, the Press asked Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh if he had obtained the Punjabi Sub&#257. "I have not at least lost it," he quipped. The parleys were interrupted at the end of December as a general session of the Indian National Congress was announced to be held in Amritsar on 11-12 February 1956.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In an impromptu, but dramatic gesture, the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal gave notice of a parallel conference of its own. As subsequent events proved, this turned out to be efficient strategy. The Sikhs' meeting was massive in size. The entire Punjab countryside seemed to have burst upon the city of Amritsar. The Ak&#257l&#299 cavalcade preceding the deliberations was a magnificent spectacle of Sikh solidarity &#8212 an endless column of marching humanity fired with one single passion, with one single will. It completely dwarfed the Congress convention. The Indian leaders watched from across the road the mammoth turnout of the Sikh populace. They could not have been but struck by its perfect orderliness and its sense of purpose.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Beckoning the processionists on and ever urging them to a quicker pace to be on time was Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh, proudly standing in a jeep, his broken arm in a sling and his eyes alight with an unmistakable glint of triumph. He had but lately returned to the Ak&#257l&#299 fold to strengthen the hands of Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. Most graphic is the account of this Sikh march in Michael Brecher's biography of Jaw&#257harl&#257l Nehr&#363 :</p> <blockquote class="C1"><p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;On a bright, cool north Indian winter morning the contending groups massed their forces in a show of strength, especially for the benefit of the Congress High Command which was camped close by. First came the Sikhs in the most impressive &#8212 and peaceful &#8212 demonstration I have ever seen. Hour after hour and mile after mile they marched, eight abreast, down the main streets of Amritsar, a hallowed name in Indian nationalism because of the shootings of 1919. Old and young, men and women, they came in an endless stream, most with an expression of determination and sadness in their eyes, many still remembering the ghastly days of 1947 when their homeland was cut in two and hundreds of thousands fled before the Muslims, and when thousands of their co-religionists died or were maimed. What strength there was in appearance of the older men who, with their flowing beards, looked like the Hebrew prophets of old. Many carried their traditional sword, the <i>kirpan</i>, and many wore blue turbans, symbol of militancy. (The dyers in the city did a handsome business that week.) They had come from the villages and towns of the Punjab and from far-off places as well. Almost without exception they marched in orderly file, portraying their unity of purpose. At intervals came the resounding cry, "Punjabi Suba Zindabad"("Long live a Punjabi State") and "Master Tara Singh Zindabad," with intermittent music to enliven the proceedings. On they came, for five hours. Few who watched them could doubt their genuine fear of being swallowed up in the vice-like embrace of rabid Hinduism. By conservative estimate they numbered over 100,000. To this observer it seemed more like double that figure.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</blockquote></p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Sikhs had put forth their strongest argument in support of Punjabi S&#363b&#257. The dialogue between the Ak&#257l&#299 leaders and the government was resumed. What began to irk the former was the monotonous style the meetings had acquired. The Sikh leaders did all the speaking and the government representatives only listened. Pa&#7751&#7693it Pant, who was meant to be the chief government spokesman never uttered a word from his lips. The Sikh delegation felt frustrated and decided to cease from participating. News appeared in the press on the morning of 26 February 1956 that the negotiations had broken down. The report was accompanied with the announcement that the Sikh leaders were leaving Delhi. But Joginder Si&#7749gh, a Sikh member of Parliament from Uttar Pradesh, who sat in the meetings as an observer, tried to bring them round to re-joining the talks.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The negotiators were at length able to devise a scheme to break the impasse. It was at best a compromise solution. Without demarcating a Punjabi S&#363b&#257, the state was to be split into two regions&#8212 Punjabi and Hindi. Each zone was to have its own regional committee consisting of its own share of the Punjabi legislators, with powers to deliberate on all subjects except law and order, finance and taxation. This Regional Formula, as the plan came to be designated, was put to the vote at a general meeting of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal at Amritsar on 11 March 1956. There were critical voices raised. The angriest was that of &#256mar Si&#7749gh Amb&#257lav&#299, who had his dissent formally recorded. Gurmit Si&#7749gh did not go that far, but opposed the proposal. In the same lobby was another youth leader, Karnail Si&#7749gh &#7692oa&#7693, who was then a member of the Working Committee of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. A stickler for constitutional propriety, he privately raised with some of the sponsors the cavil that the Formula could not be discussed in that meeting without it having been put up first to the Working Committee. The objection went unheeded by the leaders who were committed to seeing the Formula through. Especially persuasive at the meeting were Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh, Bh&#257&#299 Jodh Si&#7749gh and Sard&#257r Aj&#299t Si&#7749gh Sarh&#257d&#299. Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh conceded that what had been offered by government was not the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 of their conception. Yet he commended acceptance of it as a <i>shagan</i> or promise for Punjabi S&#363b&#257.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The motion was carried, but one man who was left somewhat puzzled was Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. He was not sure if they had acted prudently. Once again the Ak&#257l&#299s were permitted to join the Congress. Once again Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh questioned in his heart of hearts the wisdom of so enfeebling the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. His instinct inclined him to oppose the half measure that had emerged from government-Ak&#257l&#299 <i>detente</i>. But he did not want to overrule his colleagues. He, nevertheless, continued to feel sceptical. He himself did not join the Congress, although most of his front-rank colleagues did. On 30 September 1956, the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal renounced politics. It was proposed to hold a rally a few weeks later and present two lakhs of Ak&#257l&#299 members to the Congress. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's unease was not lessened. The 1957 general elections gave him the opportunity to and his mental dichotomy. The Congress had assigned the Ak&#257l&#299 entrants twenty-two nominations for the Punjab Assembly and three for Parliament. This share struck Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh as grossly inadequate and he abrogated the settlement with the Congress so far as he was personally concerned. In his individual capacity he put up his own candidates against Congress nominees. None of the twenty-three fielded by him won, but he had underwritten the point once again that Sikhs must be the masters of their political fortune. He was left alone as he had been in 1948 when all the senior Ak&#257l&#299 leaders had joined the Congress. This was the situation, in which he found himself now in 1957. His one advantage now, as in the past, was his control of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. He started on the course of recovery by reactivating it politically.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The supporters of Hindi assailed the Regional Formula as being harmful to their interests. Under the aegis of the Hindi Raksh&#257 Samit&#299, they launched a fierce agitation to have it annulled. The new Congress government which had taken office in the Punjab on 3 April 1957, with the mighty Part&#257p Si&#7749gh Kairo&#7749 as Chief Minister and former Ak&#257l&#299s, Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh and Gi&#257n Si&#7749gh Ra&#7771ew&#257l&#257, as two members of his cabinet, dealt with the Hindi protest firmly. But it could do little to assuage the Sikhs' sentiment hurt by the Hindi Raksh&#257 Samit&#299's acts of animosity against them. During the course of the Hindi movement, several Sikh places of worship had been desecrated.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Language frontiers had become communal frontiers. For Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh, Punjabi S&#363b&#257 was the only antidote to the rising Hindi fanaticism. On 14 June 1958, he resurrected the demand for it, repudiating the Regional Formula which had anyhow been the subject of his criticism and sarcasm. Though accepted under the pressure of circumstances, the Regional Formula was no trustworthy solution of the Punjab problem. The Sikh masses were scarcely enthused by it. Essentially, it was a tentative arrangement and, as it soon became apparent, neither the government nor any of the political parties was keen to give it an earnest trial. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh called a meeting of the general body of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal at Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257 on 14 February 1959. 299 out of 377 members attended. The convention resolved by one voice to restore the political character of the Dal.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Regional Formula never seriously put into effect by government and never seriously accepted by the Sikhs, left one permanent monument in the shape of the Punjabi University. The idea of such a university had taken birth in the new intellectual and cultural milieu created by national independence. Educators and public men in the Punjab had vaguely spoken of a university for the development and promotion of the language of the state. But none could define exactly the scope and design of such a university. The first concrete formulation came from the Punjabi S&#257hit Akadem&#299, which at its annual conference in Delhi, in 1956, adopted a resolution demanding that a university with Punjabi as the medium of instruction be set up in the Punjab.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Most crucial, though generally covert, was the part of Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh, who was one of the architects of the Regional Formula. He was then a minister in Part&#257p Si&#7749gh Kairo&#7749's government. One of his close associates, Sard&#257r R&#257m Dy&#257l Si&#7749gh, proposed in the Punjabi Regional Committee a resolution for Punjabi being adopted as the exclusive medium of instruction in schools in the Punjabi zone. Certain sections felt perturbed and pressed Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh to have the motion withdrawn. Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh agreed on the condition that the leader of the House, Pa&#7751&#7693it Mohan L&#257l, makes an announcement for the establishment of a university in the name of Punjabi. Mohan L&#257l held hurried consultations with the Chief Minister, who under the provisions of the Formula, did not sit in either of the regional committees. In seeking his concurrence, he said that Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh had told him that the establishment of such a university was provided for in the Regional Formula. No one had the time to go into the details. Part&#257p Si&#7749gh gave his approval and Mohan L&#257l declared on the floor of the House that the government would initiate measures to bring into being a Punjabi University.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Later, as the Regional Formula was scanned to locate the pertinent provision, it was discovered that none existed. Confronted on this point, Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh told the Chief Minister that the development of Punjabi language was an important aspect of the policy on which the Regional Formula was based. How would, he asked the Chief Minister, the language develop if such a university was not established? What chances would the language have to develop itself, if it did not have a university to support it, said Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh without batting an eyelid. The humour of the situation was not lost on Part&#257p Si&#7749gh Kairo&#7749. In any case, he was himself a protagonist of Punjabi. His own cultural perceptions and affiliations were derived from the Si&#7749gh Sabh&#257 enlightenment in which his father, Nih&#257l Si&#7749gh, had been a prominent figure. In private conversation and in public speech, he used to refer proudly to his Si&#7749gh Sabh&#257 upbringing. Although his regime as Chief Minister was marked by severe repression of the Ak&#257l&#299s, he gave the Sikhs a dominant position in the administration of the Punjab, and took the ruling Congress party into rural Punjab, tilting the leadership structure decisively in their favour. With the characteristic resoluteness, Part&#257p Si&#7749gh now went ahead with his plans for the establishment of the university.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Soon afterwards he and his cabinet colleagues happened to be in Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257 for the <i>bhog</i> ceremonies for the mother of Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 Y&#257davinder Si&#7749gh. There the Chief Minister requested the Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 to accept the chairmanship of Punjabi University Commission the state government had decided to appoint. The Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 agreed. Among other members of the Commission nominated were Bh&#257&#299 Jodh Si&#7749gh, Hukam Si&#7749gh, Ujjal Si&#7749gh, Malik Hardit Si&#7749gh, Dr A.C.Joshi, Dr Anup Si&#7749gh, Dr P.S. Gill, Hardw&#257r&#299 L&#257l and Professor Harba&#7749s Si&#7749gh. The Commission submitted its report to government in 1961 and, during the same year, legislation was passed. In 1962, the University opened in one of the old Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257 palaces.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Punjab Government, under Part&#257p Si&#7749gh Kairo&#7749, was as inflexible in front of the supporters of Punjabi as it had been in front of the supporters of Hindi. In the affairs of the former, it intervened more directly via Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh who was now a minister in the Kairo&#7749 government. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh was outmanoeuvred in the annual elections to the office of president of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee on 16 November 1958, and defeated by 77 votes to 74. The victor was a young man, Prem Si&#7749gh L&#257lpur&#257, barely in his thirties. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh reacted by giving the signal for a Punjabi S&#363b&#257 conference to be convened in Chan&#7693iga&#7771h. At the conference, he disclosed his intention of launching a mass movement on a vast scale. ln preparation, a silent procession was to be taken out in Delhi on 15 March 1959. The government acted swiftly and took him into custody. The Delhi march did take place, with Sikhs participating from all over the country. The procession, led by Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's portrait displayed on a vehicle, ended in a religious <i>d&#299v&#257n</i> at Gurdw&#257r&#257 Rik&#257bgañj. Within less than a week, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh was released from gaol.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The 1960 elections to the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee turned out to be another trial of strength between the Congress and the Ak&#257l&#299s. Congress Sikhs, led by Part&#257p Si&#7749gh Kairo&#7749 and Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh, strove hard to defeat Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh and his nominees. Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh resigned from the ministry to apply all his energies to electioneering. With the overt help of the state government, he sponsored a society called S&#257dh Sa&#7749gat Board to contest the elections. But the results went overwhelmingly in favour of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. The Dal took 136 seats, contrasting with S&#257dh Sa&#7749gat Board's four. All the Ak&#257l&#299 members assembled at the Ak&#257l Ta <u>kh</u>t on 24 January 1960, to bind themselves solemnly to achieve Punjabi S&#363b&#257.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Ak&#257l&#299 Dal carried its campaign a step further by calling upon former Ak&#257l&#299 members to withdraw from the Punjab Legislative Assembly. Only five out of 24 members resigned at the behest of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. Undismayed, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh summoned a broad-based Punjabi S&#363b&#257 convention in Amritsar on 22 May 1960, to which members of Swatantra and Praj&#257 Socialist parties were also invited. The conference was presided over by Pa&#7751&#7693it Sundar L&#257l, and Dr Saifudd&#299n Kitchlew, once a staunch Congressman, opened the proceedings. The main resolution was moved by Sard&#257r Gurn&#257m Si&#7749gh, calling upon government "not to delay any more the inevitable formation" of a Punjabi-speaking state, especially when language based states had been carved out in other parts of the country.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Close on the heels of the Amritsar convention, came Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's proclamation to start upon a march on 29 May 1960, which was the day of Gur&#363 Arjun's martyrdom, through the Punjab countryside and reach Delhi to join a Sikh procession in the capital on 12 June 1960. On the way, he was to visit important Sikh <i>gurdw&#257r&#257s</i> and make speeches to rally support for Punjabi S&#363b&#257. This announcement led him into gaol once again. He was picked up by police from his home in Amritsar on the night of 24-25 May and taken to Dharams&#257l&#257 gaol. The government came down upon the Ak&#257l&#299s with a heavy hand. Large scale arrests were made throughout the Punjab. A reign of terror ensued. The Sikhs once again exhibited their usual fondness for gaol-going. Columns of volunteers started courting arrest at Amritsar and Delhi. The main centre of mobilization was the Golden Temple. The evening <i>d&#299v&#257ns</i> at Mañj&#299 S&#257hib attracted vast audiences. Ak&#257l&#299 leaders made stirring speeches asserting the Sikhs' right to self-determination. In the absence of Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh, Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh, a man devoted to religion who had but lately been initiated into politics, directed the movement from inside the Golden Temple precincts. He was assisted by a devoted band of young men from the Sikh Students' Federation such as Satb&#299r Si&#7749gh, Bharp&#363r Si&#7749gh and Bh&#257n Si&#7749gh. Satb&#299r Si&#7749gh was a favourite speaker at the Mañj&#299 S&#257hib <i>d&#299v&#257ns</i>. By his eloquent narration of deeds of heroism and martyrdom from Sikh history, he maintained mass fervour at a high pitch.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh proved to be the man marked out for politics. He took to his new role with sovereign facility and stuck to it with a rare tenacity of will. He gave evidence of shrewd practical judgement, uncommon for one reared as a religious recluse. He held the strings of the agitation firmly in his hands and ran it with the finesse of a seasoned leader of men. By his circumspection in speech, he introduced a new convincing note into the agitation. He presented the demand for Punjabi S&#363b&#257 as based on linguistic considerations alone, bringing it in line with the country's declared goals of democracy and secularism. Besides the Sikh masses, he won many from other communities over to his viewpoint. For him, the size of the new state or the proportion of Hindu and Sikh population in it was not of primary relevance. What mattered was the creation of a unit comprising Punjabi-speaking areas, with Punjabi as the official language. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh handled the media with the skill and aplomb of a born statesman. He never faltered in the consistency of his argument, nor did he ever lose his equanimity or run into a faux pas. Talking once to the Press at Amritsar during the course of the <i>morch&#257</i>, he said, "We do not seek a Sikh-majority area. We are not concerned about percentages. We want the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 to comprise an area where Punjabi language is spoken, regardless of the fact whether the Sikhs are in a majority or minority." This was the burden of his speech and statement, always.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The state government resorted to rigorous measures to put down the agitation. A scare was created throughout the Punjab, but the supply of volunteers continued unabated and the <i>morch&#257</i> went from strength to strength. Thousands of Sikhs had lodged themselves in gaols, and the number kept multiplying. On its side, the government showed little sign of relenting. It seemed an unending contest, when Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh, in a conclusive bid, put his own life at stake. On 29 October, he wrote a letter to Prime Minister Nehr&#363 saying that, if the Sikhs' democratic and constitutional demand for a Punjabi-speaking state was not accepted, he would end his life fasting. He sought to impress upon him the Sikhs' sense of grievance and to tell him how repressive and vengeful the Pu&#7749jab Government had been Jawaharl&#257l Nehr&#363 refused to intervene, and Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh unhesitatingly took up his cross.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The fast began on 18 December 1960. Before entering his ascetical hut in the Golden Temple premises, Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh had the <i>ard&#257s</i> said at Ak&#257l <i>Ta<u>kh</u>t</i> by the Jathed&#257r praying God to give him strength to carry his resolve through, and made obeisance at the Harimandar receiving what was meant to be his last portion of <i>ka&#7771&#257h pras&#257d</i>. He also addressed a mammoth gathering of the Sikhs, adjuring them to remain peaceful in any event. "Every particle of the country is ours and any damage to it is damage to our selves," he told them. A roster was announced of ten Sikhs who had offered to continue the chain in case Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh's fast ended in a fatality.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Suddenly a grimness hung over the country. The air was filled with foreboding. There was universal applause for the purity of Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh's motive and no one questioned the steadfastness of his resolution. Yet everybody prayed that the worst might somehow be averted. This was Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh's finest hour. But immolation by fasting was a novelty in Sikh tradition. In this strategy lay the germ of many an internal conflict and of the eclipse of many a reputation.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Indian leaders of diverse opinion tried to intervene and persuade Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh to abandon the fast. But he would not withdraw from his self-imposed ordeal until the justice of his point had been admitted. The concern daily grew in the entire nation and there was anxiety everywhere to save his life. Prime Minister Nehr&#363, in a speech in Cha&#7751&#7693&#299ga&#7771h on 20 December 1960, conceded that Punjabi was the dominant language of the Punjab and that it must be promoted in every way. The same assurance was repeated in a speech at R&#257jpur&#257 later in the day. This and an even more conciliatory speech given by him in Delhi on 31 December, making a personal appeal to Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh to end his fast, were judged by the latter as falling short of his stipulation. So the stalemate continued.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Chief Minister Part&#257p Si&#7749gh Kairo&#7749 made a bold gesture and set Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh free on 4January 1961. This was done on the advice of Bh&#257&#299 Jodh Si&#7749gh, his old teacher of college days, with whom he often took counsel in moments of crisis. Immediately after his release from gaol in Dharams&#257l&#257, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh called on Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh, considerably weakened from his trial. He next wanted to meet Prime Minister Nehr&#363, who was then in Bh&#257vnagar attending the annual session of the Congress. Not wishing to lose any time, he flew from Delhi in a specially chartered plane to Bh&#257vnagar. He was accompanied by Harba&#7749s Si&#7749gh Gujr&#257l, Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill, Hargurn&#257d Si&#7749gh, Harcharan Si&#7749gh of Ba&#7789hin&#7693&#257, and Se&#7789h R&#257m N&#257th, one Punjabi Hindu of consequence who openly espoused the cause for a Punjabi-speaking state. The group held mutual consultations while in flight and reduced their minimum demand to writing. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh had a two-hour meeting with the Prime Minister on 7 January 1961, but without securing anything worth reporting to Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh. On 8 January 1961, Jaw&#257harl&#257l added a postscript to what he had told Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. He announced that it is not out of any discrim&#299nation against Punjab or distrust of the Sikhs that the process of forming linguistic states must stop here. "Punjab state," he went on, "is broadly speaking a Punjabi S&#363b&#257 with Punjabi as the dominant language." He expressed his anxiety about Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh's health and wished to see his ordeal ended.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh, who had returned to Delhi, felt reassured by this elaboration and forthwith had a call made to Amritsar. He assured Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh that the obligations of his vow had been fulfilled and asked him to terminate his fast. To Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's appeal was added the weight of a motion adopted by the Working Committee of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal and the command of the Pañj Pi&#257re or the Five Elect who, speaking for the entire <u>Kh</u>&#257ls&#257, told Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh that they were satisfied that his pledge had been complied with and that he must forthwith end his fast. On the morning of 9 January 1961, Fateh Si&#7749gh took his first sips of nourishment in twenty two-days &#8212 a glass of juice from the hands of Bh&#257&#299 Chet Si&#7749gh, one of the Golden Temple priests. This marked the end of the seven month long <i>morch&#257</i> in which, according to official figures, 30,000 went to gaol and, according to Ak&#257l&#299 reckoning, 57,129.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Political negotiations ensued between government and the Ak&#257l&#299s. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh had three meetings with Prime Minister Nehr&#363 &#8212 one on 8 February 1961, the next on 1 March 1961, and the last on 12 May 1961. The meetings were friendly, but yielded no definite results. Offering to extend to the Punjabi language all the protection it needed, the Prime Minister was not willing to slice off Punjabi-speaking areas of the Punjab into a separate state. The Sikhs were far from pacified. To press home the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 issue another fast had to be staged &#8212 this time by Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. His trial began on 15 August 1961, after a solemn prayer in front of the Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t. The Punjab again was in a commotion. The crisis deepened as days went by. Mediators arose to try and settle the issue. Notable among them were Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 Y&#257davinder Si&#7749gh of Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257 and Malik Hardit Si&#7749gh. They kept in touch with Prime Minister Nehr&#363 and Home Minister L&#257l Bah&#257dur Sh&#257str&#299 on the one hand and with the Ak&#257l&#299 leaders on the other. Eventually Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh was persuaded to end his fast on the 48th day (1 October 1961). The glass of lemon juice, mixed with honey, was given him by the Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 of Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257 and Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In pursuance of the settlement made, the Prime Minister appointed a commission to go into the question of Sikh grievances. The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal cavilled at its composition and refused to put up its case before it. But the commission carried on with its work in spite of Ak&#257l&#299 Dal's non-cooperation. It gave its report on 9 February 1962, rejecting suggestions of any discrimination against the Sikhs. Demand for a Punjabi-speaking state was, according to the commission, a camouflage for the demand for a Sikh state.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Among the Sikhs, criticism was brewing against Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh himself. His termination of his fast without achieving the target aimed at had made him liable to public accountability as never before. The accusation was commonly levelled that he had perjured the pledge solemnized at Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t. The Sikhs were not willing to condone what amounted to violation of a religious vow and what seemed to cast a slur on their proud tradition. The responsibility for having Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh's fast similarly ended was also laid at Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's door. Five Sikhs eminent in the religious hierarchy &#8212 Jathed&#257r Achchhar Si&#7749gh of the Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t, Jathed&#257r Sharam Si&#7749gh of Sr&#299 Kesga&#7771h S&#257hib, Gi&#257n&#299 Bh&#363pinder Singh Head Granth&#299 of the Harimandar S&#257hib, Bh&#257&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh and Bh&#257&#299 Chet Si&#7749gh &#8212 were named as Pañj Pi&#257re on 24 November 1961, to judge if the oath sworn by Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh had been complied with.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; They made a close investigation of the circumstances leading to the abandonment of the fast and pronounced Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh guilty of having gone back on his plighted word and of having blemished thereby the Sikh tradition of religious steadfastness and sacrifice.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh was laid under expiation to have an <i>akha&#7751&#7693 p&#257th</i> of the Gur&#363 Granth S&#257hib recited at the Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t, to say for one month an extra <i>p&#257th</i> of the <i>Japu</i> every day in addition to his normal <i>nitnem</i> or prescribed regimen of five daily prayers, to offer <i>ka&#7771&#257h pras&#257d</i> of the value of Rs 125 and to clean the shoes of the <i>sa&#7749gat</i> and the dishes in the Gur&#363 k&#257 La&#7749gar for five days. As Jathed&#257r Achchhar Si&#7749gh and Gi&#257n&#299 Bh&#363pinder Si&#7749gh explained on behalf of the religious jury, they had no comments to make on Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh's fast which, they said, had been given up with the consent of Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh and under the orders of the Working Committee of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, <i>Pañj Pi&#257re</i> and the <i>sa&#7749gat</i> in general. He was, nevertheless, held guilty, along with other eight members of the Working Committee, for acquiescing in Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's breaking his fast. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh was to recite for one month an additional <i>p&#257th</i> of the <i>Japu</i> and wash dishes in Gur&#363 k&#257 La&#7749gar for five days. Other members of the Working Committee got away with a lighter penance. They were to broom the Golden Temple precincts and clean dishes in Gur&#363 k&#257 La&#7749gar for two days.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The verdict was announced on 29 November 1961, and the sanctions imposed were dutifully complied with. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh's pictures scrubbing dishes in the Gur&#363 k&#257 La&#7749gar and cleaning the shoes of the <i>sa&#7749gat</i> were widely circulated. These acts of humility and expiation evoked spontaneous popular admiration, but Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh could not climb up the ladder again. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh had emerged as a serious rival. The story of Sikh affairs henceforward is the story of the gradual eclipse of Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh and steady ascendancy of Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh. Already the former's authority had been challenged, with the charge flung at him that he was responsible for having the Sant's pledge falsified. On 11 January 1961 &#8212 two days after Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh had broken his fast &#8212 Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh was booed by the audience at a <i>d&#299v&#257n</i> at Mañj&#299 S&#257hib and not allowed to make a speech. At the M&#257gh&#299 <i>d&#299v&#257n</i> at Muktsar on 13 January 1961, the entire festival crowd stood up in protest, forcing him to break off abruptly. Jathed&#257r J&#299van Si&#7749gh Umr&#257na&#7749gal, a member of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal Working Committee, notified Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh on 15 November 1961 to vacate presidentship of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal as well as that of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee. He counted ten charges against him and declared that, if he did not resign by 20 November, he would sit afasting. J&#299v&#257n Si&#7749gh began his fast on 21 November in front of the offices of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee. But a patchwork settlement was arrived at two days later. Umr&#257na&#7749gal gave up his fast and the suspension orders against him and others were withdrawn.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; J&#299van Si&#7749gh Umr&#257na&#7749gal and Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill, both supporters of Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh, continued their criticism of Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. They rejected the party elections held under his presidentship as fraudulent. Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh suspended them for indiscipline on 4 July 1962, and summoned on 16 July a meeting of the Working Committee of the Ak&#257l&#299 Dal which ratified these expulsions. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh issued a public statement the following day challenging the decision. He fixed 22 July for a general convention of the Sikhs at Gurdw&#257r&#257 Mushki&#257&#7751&#257, near Mull&#257&#7749pur in Ludhi&#257&#7751&#257 district. The assembly, attended among others by 78 of the 155 members of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee and 8 of the 19 Ak&#257l&#299 members of the Punjab Legislative Assembly, led to the birth of a parallel Ak&#257l&#299 Dal.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh summoned on 18 August 1962, the general body of the original Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill notified a meeting of the rival Ak&#257l&#299 Dal for the same day. The latter, comprising 200 delegates of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal, 72 circle <i>jathed&#257rs</i> and 9 members of the Punjab Legislative Assembly, met in front of the Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh was formally elected president. Capturing the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee was the dissidents' next objective. A no- confidence motion was brought forth on 2 October 1962 against the sitting president, Kirp&#257l Si&#7749gh Chakksherev&#257l&#257, which was carried by 76 votes to 72. Sant Channa&#7751 Si&#7749gh, a right-hand man of Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh, was elected the new president.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee was now in the hands of Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh. He also controlled the dominant section of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal which had split into two. The two Dals kept up a running feud. Punjabi S&#363b&#257 remained the principal plank for both, but their energies were consumed more in mutual recrimination. A truce was called as the country faced a Chinese attack in 1962. The leaders of the two groups sat together in a meeting at Mot&#299b&#257<u>gh</u> Palace, Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257, on 24 December 1962, to plan how to have the Sikhs contribute their maximum to the war effort. Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 Y&#257davinder Si&#7749gh was nominated M&#257ha Jathed&#257r of the Panth to mobilize the community. Chief Minister Part&#257p Si&#7749gh K&#257iro&#7749 had already launched a large scale campaign to rally the Punjab. He had raised a voluntary corps which consisted mainly of rural Sikhs.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The two Ak&#257l&#299 Dals resumed their militant postures as soon as the hostilities ceased. The fortunes of the Master Ak&#257l&#299 Dal were visibly on the decline. They received a severe setback when in the Gurdw&#257r&#257 elections on 17 January 1965, the rival faction won a clear majority. The Sant Ak&#257l&#299 Dal annexed 90 seats, conceding only 45 to Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh. Among those who lost were two of the latter's leading candidates, Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh D&#299v&#257n&#257 and Ka&#7749var&#257&#7751&#299 Jagd&#299sh Kaur of Far&#299dko&#7789. After a while, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh stepped aside, withdrawing himself from active politics to leave the field open for Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh. He took to the hills and quarantined himself in a small village, Salogar&#257, spending his time in prayer and contemplation.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A development which helped to focus attention afresh on the Sikhs' political objective was the Nalv&#257 Conference. Named after the famous general of Sikh times, Har&#299 Si&#7749gh Nalv&#257, it was convened at Ludhi&#257&#7751&#257 on 4 July 1965. The main Conference resolution, drawn up by Sird&#257r Kap&#363r Si&#7749gh, eminent Sikh scholar and intellectual, was moved by Sard&#257r Gurn&#257m Si&#7749gh, then leader of the Opposition in the Punjab Legislative Assembly, and seconded by Gi&#257n&#299 Bh&#363pinder Si&#7749gh, president of the Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh Ak&#257l&#299 Dal. The resolution ran as follows :</p> <blockquote class="C1"><p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;1. This Conference in commemoration of General Har&#299 Si&#7749gh Nalv&#257 of historical fame reminds all concerned that the Sikh people are makers of history and are conscious of their political destiny in a free India.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;2. This Conference recalls that the Sikh people agreed to merge in a common Indian nationality on the explicit understanding of being accorded a constitutional status of co-sharers in the Indian sovereignty along with the majority community, which solemn understanding now stands cynically repudiated by the present rulers of India. Further, the Sikh people have been systematically reduced to a sub-political status in their homeland, the Punjab, and to an insignificant position in their motherland, India. The Sikhs are in a position to establish before an impartial international tribunal, uninfluenced by the present Indian rulers, that the law, the judicial process, and the executive actions of the State of India are consistently heavily weighted against the Sikhs and are administered with unbandaged eyes against Sikh citizens.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;3. This Conference, therefore, resolves, after careful thought, that there is left no alternative for the Sikhs in the interest of self-preservation but to frame their political demand for securing a self-determined political status within the Republic of Union of India.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</blockquote></p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; This demand for a self-determined political status for the Sikhs was more radical than the demand for a Punjabi S&#363b&#257. It had the immediate effect of breaking the stillness which brooded over the political scene and of stimulating the process of history.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; On 24 July 1965, Master T&#257r&#257 Si&#7749gh ended his six-month-old self-exile and announced his re-entry into politics. He first made a trip to Pakistan to pay homage at Nank&#257&#7751&#257 S&#257hib and perform there the concluding ceremonies for a recitation of the Gur&#363 Granth S&#257hib he had completed during his retirement. On 2 August 1965, he addressed a press conference in Delhi, demaniding for the Sikhs "place in the sun of free India." He applauded the Nalv&#257 Conference resolution and pledged his support to it.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; But the initiative was again seized by Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh with the announcement on 16 August 1965, that, to clinch the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 issue, he would sit a fasting from 10 September 1965, and, in case the Government of India did not melt, he would burn himself up on 25 September. The venue fixed for immolation was the top roof of the Ak&#257l Ta<u>kh</u>t; time, 4.30 p.m. Following upon the heels of this declaration came the war between Pakistan and India. In that moment of crisis, everyone wished that Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh would revoke his decision.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Sant Channa&#7751 Si&#7749gh, president of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee, Gurcharan Si&#7749gh &#7788auh&#7771&#257 and Harcharan Si&#7749gh Hu&#7693i&#257r&#257 went to Delhi on 8 September 1965 to take counsel with the leaders of government and others. A high level meeting took place in the Speaker's chamber in Parliament House attended among others by' Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 Y&#257davinder Si&#7749gh of Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257, Yashwant R&#257o Chavan, Defence Minister, Jaisukhl&#257l H&#257th&#299, Minister of State for Home Affairs, Sirdar Kap&#363r Si&#7749gh, Member of Parliament, Dr An&#363p Singh, Member of Parliament, Sard&#257r B&#363&#7789&#257 Si&#7749gh, Member of Parliament, and Sard&#257r Dhann&#257 Si&#7749gh Gulshan. They were all anxious that the tragedy be somehow averted and unanimously sent a message to Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh requesting him to defer the fast. Some of them, notably the Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 of Pa&#7789i&#257l&#257, added the assurance that they would be on his side if the government continued to circumvent his demand after normalcy was restored.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Sant Channa&#7751 Si&#7749gh returned to Amritsar with his colleagues by the night train and conveyed to Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh on the morning of 9 September the message they had brought. Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh accepted the advice and made a public statement postponing the fast. Simultaneously, he appealed to his countrymen, especially Sikhs, to muster all their resources to resist the onslaught from across the frontier.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In the border districts, the Sikh population rose to a man to meet the crisis. It stood solidly behind the combatants and assisted them in many different ways. It provided guides to the newly inducted troops, offered free labour and vehicles, country carts, tractors and trucks to transport war supplies to the forward most trenches. Instead of evacuating in panic to safer places, Sikhs right up to the frontier stuck fearlessly to their homes, plying their ploughs and tending their cattle. Along the main approach routes to the front, they set up booths serving refreshments to the soldiers. Their most spectacular feat was the way they swooped down upon the parachutists dropped by Pakistanis behind the Indian lines. On seeing the parachutes open up in the skies the villagers rushed out gleefully with whatever they had in their hands &#8212 <i>l&#257th&#299s</i>, axes or swords, and seized the bewildered paratroopers before they knew where they were. A few were beaten to death on the spot and the rest were handed over to the army. A South Indian pilot belonging to the Air Force, who had made an emergency leap from his crashing aircraft, had a hard time explaining to his rugged, but prompt, captors that he was an Indian national and not a Pakistani spy.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Besides a vast number of Sikh troops fighting all along the border from Kutch to B&#257ltist&#257n and Lad&#257kh, almost all senior commanders in the Punjab sector were Sikhs. Lieut-General Harba<u>kh</u>sh Si&#7749gh, with his chief of staff, Major-General Joginder Si&#7749gh, commanded the entire Western zone and was, as such, the principal architect of India's victory. Involved with planning at the army headquarters was another Sikh officer, Major-General Narinder Si&#7749gh. Lieut-General Joginder Si&#7749gh &#7693hillo&#7749, a brilliant tactician, with his Brigadier General Staff, Brigadier Park&#257sh Si&#7749gh Grev&#257l, and artillery commandar, Brigadier S.S. Kalh&#257, commanded the corps operating in the Punjab and parts of R&#257jasth&#257n. Major-General Nirañjan Pras&#257d was replaced mid-battle by Major-General Mohinder Si&#7749gh, a tough and shrewd soldier, as division commander in the Amritsar sector, the other division commander, in the Khem Karan sector, being Major-General Gurba<u>kh</u>sh Si&#7749gh. The two divisions not only secured their first objective, the &#298chogil Canal, but at certain point advanced even farther, holding Lahore within artillery range. North of the R&#257v&#299, Major-General R&#257jinder Si&#7749gh &#8216Sparrow', commanding an armoured division, recorded a marvellous feat in the history of tank warfare by a lightning putsch towards Si&#257lko&#7789-N&#257rov&#257l, his Centurions humbling Pakistan's prestigious American-gifted Pattons and Chaffees. The Khem Karan sector, too, was turned into what came to be known as the grave yard of the Pakistani Patton tanks. South of the Sutlej, Brigadier Bant Singh, commanding an independent brigade group defended stoutly an extensive border covering the entire F&#299rozpur and Ga&#7749g&#257nagar districts. Both at Hussain&#299w&#257l&#257 and Faz&#299lk&#257, Sikh battalion commanders held fast to their positions despite intensely heavy shelling by Pakistan artillery. The Indian Air Force, under the command of Sikh Air Chief Marshal, Arjan Si&#7749gh, made devastating strikes and surprised military experts the world over by decisively outpacing a far superior, i.e. better-equipped, force. Indian Moths had routed Pakistani Hawks.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Within 21 days, Pakistan was brought to heel. The ceasefire came about on September 22. Legendary stories were already in circulation about the patriotic fervour and bravery Sikhs had displayed during the war. Clearly, their moment of fulfilment had arrived. On 6 September 1965, the Union Home Minister, Gulz&#257r&#299 L&#257l Nand&#257, had made a statement in the Lok Sabh&#257 : saying that "the whole question of formation of Punjabi-speaking state could be examined afresh with an open mind.&#8222 On September 23, recalling his statement of September 6, he announced in the Lok Sabh&#257 : "The Government have now decided to set up a committee of the Cabinet to pursue this matter further. The committee will consist of Shr&#299mat&#299 Indir&#257 G&#257ndh&#299, Shri Y.B. Chavan and Shri Mah&#257v&#299r Ty&#257g&#299." Addressing the Speaker, the Home Minister said : "Sir, I would request you and the Chairman, R&#257jya Sabh&#257, to set up for the same purpose a Parliamentary Committee of members of both Houses of Parliament presided over by you." Continuing his speech, he expressed the hope that "the efforts of this Cabinet Committee and of the Parliamentary Committee will lead to a satisfactory settlement of the question." The Congress party also took up the issue in earnest. On 16 November 1965, the Punjab Congress Committee debated it for long hours, with Gi&#257n&#299 Zail Si&#7749gh, General Mohan Si&#7749gh, and Narai&#7751 Si&#7749gh Sh&#257hb&#257zpur&#299 lending it their full support.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Home Minister sent a list of nominees from R&#257jya Sabh&#257 to the Chairman and a list of nominees from Lok Sabh&#257 to the Speaker, Hukam Si&#7749gh. The Chairman forwarded his list to the Speaker. The latter, however, did not accept the Lok Sabh&#257 list given him by the Home Minister, and made five changes in it at his own discretion. The twenty-two member committee announced by Sard&#257r Hukam Si&#7749gh represented all sections of the House. Among them were Hiren Mukherjee (Communist), Surendra N&#257th Dvived&#299 (Socialist), A&#7789al Beh&#257r&#299 Vajpayee (Jana Sa&#7749gh), Mah&#257r&#257j&#257 Karn&#299 Si&#7749gh Bik&#257ner (Independent), Dhann&#257 Si&#7749gh Gulshan (Ak&#257l&#299 Dal), Ba&#7749si L&#257l (Congress), S&#257diq Al&#299 (Congress), Amar N&#257th Vidy&#257l&#257&#7749k&#257r (Congress), Surj&#299t Si&#7749gh Maj&#299&#7789h&#299&#257 (Congress) and Day&#257 Bh&#257&#299 Pa&#7789el (Swatantra).The first meeting of the committee was held in the committee room of Parliament House to lay down its procedure of work.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 1 October 1965 to 5 November 1965 was the period fixed for receiving memoranda from various parties and individuals. From 26 November to 25 December, the committee held preliminary discussions. On 10 January 1966, Lachhma&#7751 Si&#7749gh Gill, general secretary of the Shiroma&#7751&#299 Gurdw&#257r&#257 Parbandhak Committee, and Rawel Si&#7749gh, a member of its executive, met the committee and presented the case for a Punjabi-speaking state. On 27 January, Gi&#257n&#299 Kart&#257r Si&#7749gh and Harcharan Si&#7749gh Br&#257r appeared before the committee on behalf of the Congress group in the Punjab legislature. Both argued in favour of Punjabi S&#363b&#257. There were nearly 2,200 memoranda submitted to the committee favouring the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 and 903 opposing it.</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Hukam Si&#7749gh was able to secure from his committee so diversely constituted a unanimous vote in favour of the creation of Punjabi S&#363b&#257. This was nothing short of a miracle. The Indian Home Minister, Gulz&#257r&#299 L&#257l Nand&#257, was dismayed. Soon after the nomination of the Parliamentary Committee he had borne complaints to Prime Minister L&#257l Bah&#257dur Sh&#257str&#299 alleging that the Speaker was actively working for the creation of a Punjabi-speaking state. The Parliamentary Committee's report was handed in on 15 March 1966. On 9 March 1966, the Congress Working Committee had already adopted a Motion recommending to the Government of India to carve a Punjabi-speaking state out of the then existing Punjab. The only member to oppose the resolution was Mor&#257rj&#299 Des&#257i. The report of the Parliamentary Committee was made public on 18 March 1966. Finally Mrs Indir&#257 G&#257ndh&#299 who had, after the sudden death of L&#257l Bah&#257dur Sh&#257str&#299, taken over as Prime Minister on 24 January 1966, conceded the demand on 23 April 1966. A commission was appointed to demarcate the new states of Punjab and Hary&#257&#7751&#257. On 3 September, the Punjab Reorganization Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabh&#257 and on 1 November 1966, Punjabi-speaking state became a reality. The happiest man on that day was Sant Fateh Si&#7749gh. A life long bachelor, he greeted the announcement with the words : "A handsome baby has been born into my household."</p> <p class="C1">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Despite this euphoric summing up, the implementation of the Punjabi S&#363b&#257 had left many rough edges behind. Issues such as the allocation of the city of Cha&#7751&#7693&#299ga&#7771h, adjustment of some of the territorial claims of the Punjab and the distribution of river waters were issues which remained unresolved. They still continue to rankle in the Punjabi consciousness.</p> </font> <p class="BIB"> BIBLIOGRAPHY<p class="C1"><ol class="C1"><li class="C1"> Sarhadi, Ajit Singh, <i>Punjabi Suba </i>. Delhi, 1970<BR> <li class="C1"> Gurmit Singh, <i>History of Sikh Struggles </i>, 4 vols. Delhi, 1989-92<BR> <li class="C1"> Nayar, Baldev Raj, <i>Minority Poetics in the Punjab </i>.Princeton, 1966<BR> <li class="C1"> Harbans Singh, <i>The Heritage of the Sikhs </i>. Delhi, 1983<BR> <li class="C1"> Khushwant Singh, <i>A History of the Sikhs </i>, vol 2. Delhi,1977<BR> <li class="C1"> Gopal Singh, <i>A History of the Sikh People (1469-1978) </i>. Delhi, 1979<BR> <li class="C1"> Kap&#363r Si&#7749gh, <i>S&#257ch&#299 S&#257kh&#299 </i>. Chandigarh, 1972<BR> <li class="C1"> Dilgeer, Harjinder Si&#7749gh, <i>Shiroma&#7751&#299 Ak&#257l&#299 Dal </i>.Chandigarh, 1980<BR> </ol><p class="CONT">Karnail Si&#7749gh D&#803oa&#7693<br></p><BR> </font><img src="counter.aspx" width="1px" height="1px" alt=""></HTML></BODY>